By
Kurtz, Stanley
CHAPTER
SEVEN : FOOLED, RULED, AND SCHOOLED
If
you live in a suburb because you like the school system, watch out. A reelected
President Obama could
start merging your local school district with that of a nearby city.
It’s all a part of his quest to abolish the suburbs. Transforming America’s
education system is a central focus of Obama’s allies in the regional equity movement because
a gradual blending of urban and suburban school systems would undermine the
social basis of the suburbs: the quest for high-quality and more locally
controlled schools. Americans believe in individual freedom and
self-government, and central to personal liberty and self-rule is the ability to educate your children
as you see fit.
Americans
also believe that the drive to better your own economic situation is the key to
prosperity for all. When young couples work and save so that they can move to a
home in a suburb with just the sorts of schools they want for their children,
we say that they are pursuing the American dream. Shut off that dream with a misguided effort to equalize
the funding of every American school district, and you will take away the
engine that drives our prosperity, undermining in the process the ability of
parents to control what their children learn.
Much
of the motivation that drives young Americans to work and save will be taken
away. Forced income redistribution will create an equality of the lowest common
denominator in America’s schools, as the drive to better your child’s
circumstances will be rendered pointless. And the national
education system that will be necessary to manage this economic
redistribution will destroy the ability of local communities to decide what
their children learn.
A national curriculum
created and run by Obama’s supporters will quickly become the only game in
town. Get ready for leftist indoctrination in your
children’s schools. Because Obama’s top priority is the redistribution and
equalization of school spending nationally, he is quietly working to seize control of your children’s
education. His immediate goal is to nationalize the curriculum, but that
is only the run-up to a still bolder attempt to force the redistribution of
suburban school funding to urban schools. Obama cannot achieve this last and
most controversial redistributive goal without first gaining control of the
day-to-day business of American schooling, what your children learn. So he has
systematically set about
creating a national curriculum for America’s schools very arguably in violation of both the Constitution and the law. While the public language of Obama’s education policy is “standards, standards, standards,” the actual plan is “federal control, federal control, federal control.”
creating a national curriculum for America’s schools very arguably in violation of both the Constitution and the law. While the public language of Obama’s education policy is “standards, standards, standards,” the actual plan is “federal control, federal control, federal control.”
Obama’s hidden goal is to lower
standards by pushing a weak curriculum and soft tests on the states. High standards are an obstacle to
Obama’s real aim of economic redistribution. In the eyes of education leftists
like Obama, high standards
make it harder for poor and minority children to get into good colleges.
The truth is that high education standards, properly taught, lift everyone up,
with arguably greater benefits going to poor and minority students.
Unfortunately, the education left is looking for shortcuts to a forced equality. In its
eyes, gutting standards is
the easiest way to stop some children from doing better than others.
Look carefully at Obama’s ambitious plans for a national education standards,
and you will find hidden beneath it a still bolder plan to fund urban school districts with
suburban money. Ultimately Obama would like to effectively merge urban
and suburban school systems, a goal that can be reached through a combination of student
transfers across district lines and assorted redistributive tax schemes.
Technically, the national government has no power to mandate any of this. Yet a
series of regulatory carrots and sticks imposed on pain of losing federal
funding has the potential to move the nation’s urban and suburban school
systems toward effective merger. The same technique has already gone surprisingly far toward imposing a
national school curriculum, in apparent defiance of the Constitution and the
law. So let us first follow the trail of Obama’s stealthy efforts to
create a national education curriculum, after which we can find an even bigger
prize, the route from a national curriculum to a plan to redistribute suburban
school funding to the cities.
A
BILL AYERS LEGACY
The
confluence of Obama’s education reforms with the regional equity movement is
yet another chapter in the story of the president’s deep ties to political
radicals. In this case, in addition to Obama’s years of education work with the
unrepentant Weather Underground terrorist Bill Ayers, the key figure is Linda
Darling-Hammond, an influential proponent of a politicized curriculum. When it
comes to education issues, Ayers and Darling-Hammond are very much on the same
page.
The
president does not personally coordinate his education policy with Bill Ayers
in the way that he works on regionalism with his old Gamaliel colleague Mike
Kruglik. How could Obama invite Ayers to the Oval Office after the explosive
2008 controversy over his political ties to the former domestic terrorist and
Weather Underground leader? Yet his alliance with Ayers does predict the
direction of Obama’s education policies.
A
BILL AYERS LEGACY
The
confluence of Obama’s education reforms with the regional equity movement is
yet another chapter in the story of the president’s deep ties to political
radicals. In this case, in addition to Obama’s years of education work with the
unrepentant Weather Underground terrorist Bill Ayers, the key figure is Linda
Darling-Hammond, an influential proponent of a politicized curriculum. When it
comes to education issues, Ayers and Darling-Hammond are very much on the same
page.
The
president does not personally coordinate his education policy with Bill Ayers
in the way that he works on regionalism with his old Gamaliel colleague Mike
Kruglik. How could Obama invite Ayers to the Oval Office after the explosive
2008 controversy over his political ties to the former domestic terrorist and
Weather Underground leader? Yet his alliance with Ayers does predict the
direction of Obama’s education policies.
Barack Obama and Bill Ayers worked together from 1999 to 2002 as board members of the left-leaning Woods Fund of Chicago. 1 Obama played a substantial role in placing Ayers on the board, all of which was part of a broader Obama-led strategy to increase Woods Fund support for community organizing.
Along
with channeling grant money to radical groups like ACORN and the Midwest
Academy, Obama and Ayers directed substantial funding to Gamaliel’s regionalist
crusade. 2 Obama and Ayers also jointly ran an education foundation called the
Chicago Annenberg Challenge (CAC). 3 Obama’s role at CAC seems to have been to
keep money flowing to radical allies that he and Ayers shared, like ACORN and
Gamaliel. Barack Obama and Bill Ayers worked together from 1999 to 2002 as board members of the left-leaning Woods Fund of Chicago. 1 Obama played a substantial role in placing Ayers on the board, all of which was part of a broader Obama-led strategy to increase Woods Fund support for community organizing.
Ayers,
who hated standardized tests, was much more interested in political indoctrination than in teaching basic skills. One of his projects was a “peace school,” where kids celebrated
milestones in the history of the United Nations instead of traditional American
holidays. After giving out well over one hundred million dollars to
their community organizer buddies, Obama and Ayers had no discernible
improvement in educational performance to show for it. In fact the
determination that CAC had failed to improve test scores in the low-performing
schools it was trying to help was made by the foundation’s own evaluators.
Obama’s
sojourn with Ayers on the hard left of the education world may seem a far cry
from the president’s current education policy. At first some open continuity
with the Ayers years was a real possibility because it looked for a while as
though Obama were going to appoint as secretary of education Bill Ayers’s
favorite education expert, the leftist Linda Darling-Hammond.
A
leading Obama adviser during the presidential campaign and transition period,
she is best known as a critic of traditional high-stakes tests who strongly
favors “teaching for social justice”— that is, using everything from
ideologically charged readings to politicized math problems to turn children
into “progressive” activists. But Obama in the end passed over her in favor of
Arne Duncan, who ostensibly backs demanding standards and tests.
The
administration’s education policy now centers on efforts to craft a core curriculum, national standards, and systematic testing for
the nation’s schools. To a casual observer, the days of Obama’s
education partnership with the likes of Bill Ayers and Chicago’s education hard
left are a thing of the past. But not really. Obama is deft at playing an
outside game with the public but an inside game for himself. Darling-Hammond
didn’t become the secretary of education, but she has emerged instead as a key
leader in the administration-orchestrated effort to create national standards
and tests. That is to say,
Obama has arranged for an enemy of traditional academic standards to police
those standards. The result will be standards that aren’t really
standards at all. Darling-Hammond’s focus now, moreover, is an audacious new program for turning the administration’s Common Core Initiative
into a lever for a heavily redistributionist school-funding policy. That
would be a great leap forward for the regional equity movement.
Should
Darling-Hammond’s plan come fully into effect, the difference between urban and
suburban school districts would effectively be erased, local control
would be out, the federal government would be in charge of national education
policy, and the federalist system as the founders envisioned it would be a long
way closer to becoming a dead letter.
PIG
IN A POKE
The
Obama administration is well down the road to imposing a Common Core of
standards on America’s schools, with an accompanying curriculum and tests.
That
might sound like a fairly conservative idea. Standards for everyone! And indeed, some conservatives have been
fooled. Not everything that sounds like a standard is the genuine article,
however.
Obama hasn’t told us
exactly what the standards are going to be. He wants us to trust him. And anyway, with all the controversy
over the economy, no one’s been paying much attention to what’s shaping up to
be the biggest transformation of
American schooling, maybe since the adoption of the Constitution.
The
Constitution of course is silent on education. It leaves schooling up to the states. Throughout most of American
history the federal government has played a minimal role in education. Locally
controlled school districts and state governments were in charge instead. Since
World War II, however, between the response to Sputnik and the establishment of
the Department of Education as a cabinet-level agency, the federal role has
increased. Still, the Constitution has continued to block federal control of
the curriculum. Obama’s ambitious plan is to use a combination of federal power
and taxpayer dollars to persuade the states to do “voluntarily” what the
federal government cannot directly order them to do.
Whether
Obama’s approach is constitutional remains to be seen. Yet this is Obama’s
strategy, and so far it’s working. To understand why the idea of a federally controlled
school curriculum is worrisome, let’s take a trip down memory lane. Back in the
mid-1990s Lynne Cheney waged a pitched battle against liberal educators over
left-leaning national history standards, whose initial development she herself
had funded while serving as the chairwoman of the National Endowment for the
Humanities. It’s not unusual for
conservatives to get burned when the money they give to improve education gets
hijacked by leftist ideologues, as Cheney’s grant was by a group of UCLA
historians obsessed by race, class, and gender. Something to nationalize
education— before they sign on to a national standards project again.
But
the real problem is that President Obama and the education left also remember
the history standards battle. So now they’re too smart to actually say what
America’s new education curriculum is going to be. Instead they’re trying to
get all the states to sign off on the unprecedented idea of a national
curriculum, sight unseen. By the time the actual standards come out, Obama
hopes it will be too late for the states to back out of their commitment. And
of course, by the time the actual content of our new national curriculum is
revealed, Obama will quite possibly have been reelected. You might think that states accustomed to controlling their own
education standards, many of them run by Republicans, would have refused to
sign off on the Obama administration’s curricular pig in a poke. Yet so far
well over forty states have jumped on the bandwagon. How was this possible, and
where is Obama really taking us with this project?
AGAINST
JOHN WAYNE
Suppose that in a major
public address Barack Obama were to say the following:
“My
fellow Americans, to be honest, I have some serious reservations about the way
this country is structured. In America we have this strong bias toward
individual action. You know, we idolize the John Wayne hero who comes in to
correct things with both guns blazing. But individual actions, individual
dreams are not sufficient. We must unite
in collective action, build collective institutions and organizations.
Locally those collective actions and institutions have got to be pitched at the
regional level in such a way as to unite small towns and suburbs with nearby
cities. The whole federalist system, as
the founders created it, is far too geared toward John Wayne– style
individualism. You pick up and move to a suburb in search of your American
dream. But that leaves less well-off folks behind, so classic federalism
extracts a price this country can no longer afford to pay. The only way to make
certain this nation’s wealth gets more equally divided among all Americans is
to run our country more centrally. That way no one can pick up and take his tax
money to another town, suburb, or state without sharing it with someone less
fortunate. That’s why I plan to do everything in my power to advance federal
and regional control of America’s tax money and especially of America’s system
of education, so as to eliminate the local differences upon which our long but
troubled tradition of John Wayne– style individualism rests.”
That
speech would not go over well with the American public although I believe it is
an accurate rendering of the thinking behind the president’s policies. In fact
I’ve taken several lines at the beginning of this imaginary speech from an
interview Obama gave to a Chicago paper when he first ran for public office in
1995. (The portion from “In America we have this strong bias” to “build
collective institutions and organizations” is a direct quote from Obama.)
So
if you’re President Obama and this is what you believe, how do you advance such
an
unpopular agenda in the area of education without alienating voters prior to your reelection campaign? Above all, you proceed in such a way as to discourage public debate.
Here
is a guide. unpopular agenda in the area of education without alienating voters prior to your reelection campaign? Above all, you proceed in such a way as to discourage public debate.
Step 1: Instead of asking Congress to
appropriate money in support of your new education policy, thereby provoking
public discussion of the issue, insert the funding for your key education initiative in a massive stimulus
package, passed rapidly and with virtually no debate even on economic
policy, much less education. That is precisely how President Obama procured the
$ 4.35 billion, to be used solely at the
Department of Education’s discretion, for his Race to the Top Initiative.
From
the start Race to the Top was a kind of end run around the conventional
legislative process. Writing in 2011 for Washington’s insider paper The Hill, the education expert Jane Robbins made the
point: “The Race to the Top program has been tinged with subterfuge from the
beginning.”
Step 2: Now that you’ve got a huge pile of
money free from congressional constraints and even public debate, use it as a
lure to move the country’s education system toward a federally controlled
curriculum. Make the willingness to
adopt a national Common Core a virtual condition of receiving Race to the Top
grants, even before the standards and curriculum are finalized.
Now
things get tricky. Technically a federally designed curriculum for the nation’s
schools would be both illegal and
unconstitutional. The Tenth Amendment to the Constitution reserves control
over education to the states and the people. Not only that, but the Elementary
and Secondary Education Act, the U.S. Department of Education’s 1979 enabling
legislation and even the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 all forbid the
creation of either national education standards or a national curriculum. So
how do you get around all this?
Step 3: Orchestrate the creation of a
national curriculum and standards from the White House while denying central
control. Recruit publicly unaccountable groups like the National Governors
Association to sponsor the project.
Bring
in the massively wealthy Gates Foundation for funding and supervision. See to it that your former education adviser
Linda Darling-Hammond (too controversial to be appointed secretary of
education) is the leading presence at one of the private groups actually
designing the curriculum and standards. And voilà! You, the president, have
just used a combination of stealth, fancy legislative footwork, and the lure of
big money in tough economic times to effectively circumvent both the
Constitution and the law. Congratulations! By acting without proper public
debate, withholding details of the standards, testing regime, and curriculum he
is pushing, and threatening to withhold federal funding from states that refuse
to jump on the national standards bandwagon, Obama is making cash-strapped
states an offer they can’t refuse. Technically the states are “voluntarily”
buying into this national Common Core idea. In fact they are selling their
constitutional birthright for a mess of pottage, as Obama lays the foundations
of an unprecedented federalization of America’s schools. And all that is only
part one of the plan.A number of observers have remarked on the stealthy nature of President Obama’s Common Core Initiative. Here, for example, is the University of Arkansas professor and education blogger Jay Greene, commenting on the advocates of a national curriculum: . . their entire project depends on stealth.
If
we have an open and vigorous debate about whether it is desirable for our
large, diverse country to have a uniform national set of standards, curriculum,
and assessments, I am confident that they would lose. . . . I
continue to believe that the chief architects of the nationalization campaign
at the Gates Foundation and the U.S. Department of Education are intentionally
concealing the full extent of their nationalization effort to improve its
political prospects. For example, repeatedly describing the effort as
“voluntary” and led by the states is obviously false and misleading, especially
as the primary impetus was financial rewards during Race to the Top. .
. .
Greene is right to say that were they
presented openly and honestly, Americans would reject Obama’s plans to
nationalize the country’s education system. The framers of the Constitution
understood perfectly well that the education of children ought to be governed
by their parents, families, and neighbors.
Americans enthusiastically embrace this
responsibility by holding local school officials responsible for their
decisions. But how will parents be able to give a piece of their mind to some
anonymous Washington education bureaucrat, much less an employee of a the Gates
Foundation or an adviser to a private education consortium with a federal
contract (like Linda Darling-Hammond) once these bodies have seized effective
control of the nation’s schools?
15
NO GOLD STANDARD
Why
exactly does President Obama want to take all this trouble to impose a national
curriculum, education standards, and a system of testing on America’s schools?
Believe it or not, he is doing it because he’s hostile to the whole idea of
standards and testing. Tests and standards separate students out on the basis
of achievement. The education left opposes that sort of ranking because it
reveals “disparities.” Racial and ethnic minorities as well as low-income
students often do less well on standardized tests than do the children of the
middle class. The right way to correct for that of course is to improve the
ability of all students to meet high standards.
The education left,
however, prefers a shortcut to a false equality. It hopes to trash real
education standards, so as to pretend that differences in achievement don’t
exist. That way
low-performing poor and minority students will find it easier to get into
college whether they’retruly prepared or not. Differences in college admissions between urban and suburban students will begin to equalize, not because of genuine parity but through the suppression of real measures of educational achievement. Sure enough, the limited information we have about the still undefined and incomplete Common Core being orchestrated by the Obama administration tells us that it will lower standards rather than raise them. Says Andrew Porter, the dean of the University of Pennsylvania School of Education: “Our research shows that the common-core standards do not represent a meaningful improvement over existing state standards. . . .
The
common core is not a new gold standard— it’s firmly in the middle of the pack
of current curricula.” Ze’ev Wurman, a
mathematics, engineering, and science expert and a member of California’s commission
reviewing the Common Core, says: “This framework simply teaches our students
science appreciation, rather than science.” And this is before we’ve seen the Common
Core’s testing system, which is even now being designed by the nation’s leading
opponents of standardized tests.
An
already mediocre core curriculum will surely be dumbed down still further by a
weak testing program. It’s particularly
disheartening to see the hugely successful education reforms undertaken by
Massachusetts cast aside by that state’s adoption of Obama’s Common Core. Under
Republican governor William Weld, Massachusetts adopted rigorous standards,
with a heavy emphasis on classic literature and academic content. Over the past
fifteen or so years, Massachusetts has risen from being a middling performer on
national tests to a consistently top-ranked state. In 2005 it became the first
state ever to finish first in every one of the four categories measured by the
National Assessment of Educational Progress (often called Americans’ report
card). Massachusetts students swept every category again in 2007 and 2009. Poor
and minority students have not been passed over by this progress. Performance
gaps keyed to race and income have actually narrowed in Massachusetts. In fact
scores for African Americans and Hispanics have been rising more quickly than
those of white students. In 2008 E. D. Hirsch, an expert on educational
standards, said, “If you are a disadvantaged parent with a school-age child,
Massachusetts is . . . the state to move to.” You’d think the Massachusetts experience would
serve as a model for the rest of the country, maybe especially for those on the
political left. Yet the temptation to gut educational standards instead of
doing the hard work it takes to meet them is too great. Massachusetts governor
Deval Patrick has thrown over his own state’s successful education experiment
in favor of the untried, untested, undefined, but sure-to-be-dumbed-down,
national core curriculum being pushed by his close political ally Barack Obama.
AYERS
AND DARLING-HAMMOND
The key to Obama’s second-term education plans lies in the role being played in the administration-orchestrated Common Core program by Linda Darling-Hammond. Darling-Hammond was Obama’s education adviser during campaign 2008 and led his postelection transition team. She was on the fast lane to appointment as secretary of education until her leftism alienated even many Democrats. 21 Shortly after Darling-Hammond was passed over for education secretary in favor of Arne Duncan, Bill Ayers himself came out with a column on the issue at the Huffington Post. If it were up to him, said Ayers, he would have picked Darling-Hammond for the job: “. . . then again I would have picked Noam Chomsky for [S] tate . . . Bernardine Dohrn for Attorney General . . . Paul Krugman for [T] reasury, and Amy Goodman for Press Secretary.” 22 Yet Ayers admitted that the attacks on Darling-Hammond had destroyed her potential effectiveness as a cabinet member. He ended the piece by railing against standardized tests and advocating a redistribution of resources to the poor and minorities as a payment on America’s “educational debt” (a popular variation on the reparations idea supported by Darling-Hammond as well as him). 23 Along with a politicized curriculum (another Ayers specialty), those are the key goals of the education left. As it turns out, Darling-Hammond may now be in a better position to gut standards, redistribute money, and politicize the curriculum than if she’d become a heavily scrutinized and controversial secretary of education. The Ayers– Darling-Hammond link is no fluke. Both were leaders of the small schools movement, which was supposedly about reducing school size but was in fact about creating places to push leftist politics, like the peace school. Ayers and Darling-Hammond have also worked together. She contributed to a collection of essays edited and published by Ayers in 1998 (when Ayers and Obama were working together at their own education foundation in Chicago). Darling-Hammond’s contribution to that volume emphasized funding disparities between urban and suburban schools and praised the nonstandardized alternative assessments (like having students keep personal journals instead of taking tests) popular in the experimental schools that sprouted up in the 1960s. Like Ayers, Darling-Hammond has even edited her own volume of essays on teaching for “social justice.”
Her
writings on the topic would not sit well with most Americans. She appears to
like making what she calls “[ w] hite, middle class, heterosexual” students and
teachers squirm. 27 She seems happiest when she gets her guilty targets
apologizing for their “unspoken privileges.” 28 But Darling-Hammond doesn’t
just attack “sexuality, race, and gender privilege.” 29 Her other favorite
target is the insularity of “[ w] hite, middle-class, suburban America.” 30
Darling-Hammond is always looking for a way to guarantee “equity” between
suburban and urban schools. 31 Nothing bothers her more than America’s practice
of funding schools from local taxes. 32 In effect her ideal curriculum could
serve as a kind of propaganda arm for the regional equity movement.The key to Obama’s second-term education plans lies in the role being played in the administration-orchestrated Common Core program by Linda Darling-Hammond. Darling-Hammond was Obama’s education adviser during campaign 2008 and led his postelection transition team. She was on the fast lane to appointment as secretary of education until her leftism alienated even many Democrats. 21 Shortly after Darling-Hammond was passed over for education secretary in favor of Arne Duncan, Bill Ayers himself came out with a column on the issue at the Huffington Post. If it were up to him, said Ayers, he would have picked Darling-Hammond for the job: “. . . then again I would have picked Noam Chomsky for [S] tate . . . Bernardine Dohrn for Attorney General . . . Paul Krugman for [T] reasury, and Amy Goodman for Press Secretary.” 22 Yet Ayers admitted that the attacks on Darling-Hammond had destroyed her potential effectiveness as a cabinet member. He ended the piece by railing against standardized tests and advocating a redistribution of resources to the poor and minorities as a payment on America’s “educational debt” (a popular variation on the reparations idea supported by Darling-Hammond as well as him). 23 Along with a politicized curriculum (another Ayers specialty), those are the key goals of the education left. As it turns out, Darling-Hammond may now be in a better position to gut standards, redistribute money, and politicize the curriculum than if she’d become a heavily scrutinized and controversial secretary of education. The Ayers– Darling-Hammond link is no fluke. Both were leaders of the small schools movement, which was supposedly about reducing school size but was in fact about creating places to push leftist politics, like the peace school. Ayers and Darling-Hammond have also worked together. She contributed to a collection of essays edited and published by Ayers in 1998 (when Ayers and Obama were working together at their own education foundation in Chicago). Darling-Hammond’s contribution to that volume emphasized funding disparities between urban and suburban schools and praised the nonstandardized alternative assessments (like having students keep personal journals instead of taking tests) popular in the experimental schools that sprouted up in the 1960s. Like Ayers, Darling-Hammond has even edited her own volume of essays on teaching for “social justice.”
.
It’s clear from Darling-Hammond’s writings that her long-term goal is to circumvent America’s localized governance structures by centrally funding and administering the nation’s schools, on the European model. 33 Just as the regional equity movement’s strategy is to increase the reach of regional governing bodies before actually proposing tax sharing, so Darling-Hammond hopes that laying down a national curriculum will set a precedent for greater federal control of America’s education system, even in matters of funding.
TAKE
ME TO YOUR LEADER
What
exactly is Darling-Hammond’s role in shaping the new Common Core? Two major
consortia are now devising a set of tests to measure mastery of the Core’s
education standards. Between them they are splitting $ 360 million in federal
Race to the Top money, $ 176 million of which goes to Darling-Hammond’s group. One knowledgeable teacher quoted in Education
Week describes what’s coming as “a huge departure from the kinds of tests most
kids currently take.” That’s not
surprising, since Darling-Hammond is a prominent critic of standardized tests
and a fan of far fuzzier “alternative” measurement instead. Darling-Hammond is
the leading presence at the Smarter Balanced Assessment Consortium, whose
actual testing plans remain disturbingly undefined.
The
tests themselves will be ready only sometime in 2014 and 2015, conveniently
several years into a possible second Obama term. The Smarter Consortium was formed through the
consolidation of several smaller groups. That consolidation apparently came in
response to the Obama administration’s decision to award money to only a very
few applicants. This move had the effect of putting Darling-Hammond in charge
of the huge chunk of the assessment pie. Although Darling-Hammond doesn’t
formally lead the Smarter Balanced Assessment Consortium, education experts
generally treat her as the group’s leading figure.
Perhaps
mindful of the controversy surrounding her far-left views, she seems intent on
downplaying her role. When Education Week reported that the Smarter group was
“under the leadership” of Darling-Hammond, she contacted the paper to deny it,
claiming to be just one of many people advising the consortium, which was
itself supposedly being led by state chiefs and assessment leaders from the
states. 39 That denial is unconvincing. We’ve seen that state “leadership” of
the Common Core is actually more like state followership of the federal money
being dangled, with heavy conditions, by the Obama administration. And here’s
how the newsletter of the Smarter Balanced Assessment Consortium described
Darling-Hammond’s role in November
2011: “Throughout the summer, Dr. Linda Darling-Hammond, the Consortium’s
Senior Research Advisor . . . led the development of the
content specifications [of the tests] in collaboration with experts in the
field.”
Clearly,
Darling-Hammond is leading the actual development of testing by the
Smarter
Balanced Assessment Consortium, which in turn now controls about half the national testing franchise. So by limiting the number of competitive grants, the Obama administration has created a situation in which the president’s former education adviser, who is the top national opponent of standardized tests, is now effectively in charge of designing tests for half the country. Yet the broader public has virtually no idea that any of this is happening.
Balanced Assessment Consortium, which in turn now controls about half the national testing franchise. So by limiting the number of competitive grants, the Obama administration has created a situation in which the president’s former education adviser, who is the top national opponent of standardized tests, is now effectively in charge of designing tests for half the country. Yet the broader public has virtually no idea that any of this is happening.
A
TROUBLING VISION
Gutting
America’s educational testing standards is only the beginning of what
Darling-Hammond has in mind. In January 2012 Darling-Hammond published a piece
in the leftist Nation magazine, pointing toward her broader goals for the
Common Core.
Like
Obama’s regionalist mentors, Darling-Hammond compares America’s education
system with South African apartheid. She also suggests that a real solution to
the problem of poverty would require government to guarantee “housing,
healthcare, and basic income security” to all. She then attacks standardized
tests and praises nations that centrally control their schools. Yet the real novelty in this piece is
Darling-Hammond’s call to create common resource standards that would work on
the model of the new Common Core standards. She wants to use these common
resource standards to make the receipt of federal education money conditional
on the equalization of school funding across municipal lines.
The
plan is sketched out in the 2020 Vision Roadmap, a document that Darling-Hammond
helped put together and that she touts at the end of her Nation article. The
2020 Vision Roadmap is filled with prescriptions for using federal carrots and
sticks to force the sort of antisuburban reforms advocated by the regional
equity movement. Consider the following passage: “The federal government
should compel states to review inter- and intra-[ school] district resource
distribution using established indicators. States that fail to comply would be
subject to withdrawal of federal funds, and the federal government would have
the right to apply the direct remedy to correct the problem.”
This would empower the federal government to
negate America’s local school funding system and force the redistribution of
local tax money across municipal lines.
The 2020 Vision Roadmap
also proposes allowing students to transfer across school district lines, with
transportation provided at government expense.
Just
as the combination of regional tax base sharing, growth boundaries, and
low-income housing quotas supported by the regional equity movement would
effectively abolish the suburbs, so Darling-Hammond’s proposals would have the
effect of eliminating distinctions between urban and suburban school districts
in a given region. The combination of government-imposed revenue redistribution
and government-funded cross– school district transfers would, in practical
terms, mean the swallowing up of suburban school districts bynearby cities. It could be argued that the Obama administration will stop at the Common Core.
Just
because Darling-Hammond wants common resource standards added to the Common
Core doesn’t mean that Obama will do as she asks. Voters would be fools to
believe that, however. Given the fact that Darling-Hammond is now effectively
steering the administration’s most important education policy initiative, her
outsize influence will surely continue. We’ve already learned that the
president’s Sustainable Communities Initiative is being shaped behind the
scenes by his former organizing mentor Mike Kruglik.
Obama’s urban and regional policy has already
been infused with equity standards craftd by his old leftist colleagues. We
should therefore expect him to grant Darling-Hammond and her leftist colleagues
the ability to craft a parallel educational equity agenda in a second term. In
fact Darling-Hammond has already been appointed to the Obama administration’s
Department of Education Equity and Excellence Commission, which is charged with
recommending “ways to restructure school finance systems to achieve equity in
the distribution of educational resources and further student achievement and
attainment.
ENDGAME
The
outlines of a revolutionary and profoundly redistributionist transformation of
the way Americans live and govern themselves are now visible— to those who have
eyes to see. The foundation has already been laid. If Obama can graft
Darling-Hammond’s common resource standards onto his common curricular
standards and enforce them by regulation, on pain of loss of federal funding,
he could force a gradual merger of urban and suburban school districts. The
country is in for some major surprises during a possible Obama second term. If
it seems unlikely that a combination of federal carrots and sticks could usurp
America’s system of state and local school control, consider that we are
already vastly closer to having an arguably illegal and unconstitutional
national school curriculum than many would have thought possible. That was
achieved through the powers of the presidency, a willingness to make an end run
around the usual legislative process, and the lure of federal money in tough
economic times. Having gotten this far toward fulfilling the redistributive
goals that he and his hard-left colleagues have cherished for years, for the
most part without the public even noticing, a reelected Obama will surely press
the plan forward. Once Obama begins to force a redistribution of suburban
school funding to the cities, a central plank in his program to abolish the
suburbs will be in place. A core reason for moving to the suburbs will slowly
be rendered pointless, undercutting the engine of our prosperity and ending the
American tradition of local control over schools. In the meantime those who
saved and sacrificed for years to move to the suburbs will see their plans
undermined, as the schools that
drew them to new homes slowly lose their distinctive quality. Forced equality
through redistribution will trump liberty, prosperity, and self-rule. Welcome
to Obama’s new America. It doesn’t stop there. Once we pull Obama’s regionalist
crusade out from its dusty hiding place, examine it, and grasp its tremendous
personal importance for the president, a whole panoply of administration
policies begins to make sense as part of a much larger effort to force
redistribution from the suburbs to the cities. We’ve just seen this for
education policy, and the implications go further still. Even Obama’s signature
issues, like health care reform and the stimulus package, take on new meaning
once you recognize that the antisuburban redistributionist crusade has been the
president’s guiding light all along. So let’s go big, with a panoramic view of
Obama’s first term in light of all that we’ve learned to date.
Source: Spreading the
Wealth: How Obama is Robbing the Suburbs to Pay for the Cities Kurtz, Stanley (2012-08-02). CHAPTER
SEVEN : FOOLED, RULED, AND SCHOOLED
another reason to favor the Charter Amendment
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