How Trump-hatred
warps the judiciary. By Marc Degirolami, 5/5/17
Something ugly is happening to the
First Amendment. It is being contorted to enable judges to protest Donald
Trump's presidency. The perennial impulse of judges to manipulate the law to
achieve morally and politically desirable ends has only been exacerbated by the
felt necessity to "resist" Trump. The result: Legal tests concerning
the freedoms of speech and religion that in some cases were already highly
dubious are being further deformed and twisted.
Welcome to the rise of fake law.
Just as fake news spreads ideologically motivated misinformation with a newsy
veneer, fake law brings us judicial posturing, virtue signaling, and
opinionating masquerading as jurisprudence. And just as fake news augurs the
end of authoritative reporting, fake law portends the diminution of law's
legitimacy and the warping of judges' self-understanding of their
constitutional role.
Those who try to police the
relentlessly transformational projects of constitutional progressives had much
to dread from the Obama administration, an inveterate ally of the legal left
that did what it could to graft the aspirations of progressives onto the
Constitution. But Trump's presidency may be even worse, because too many judges
now feel called to "resist" Trump and all his works—no matter the
cost to the law's authority and to the integrity of the judicial role.
In one recent deformation, Trump was
sued for incitement to riot and assault and battery when, at a campaign rally
before he became president, he said "Get 'em out of here" in response
to protesters in the audience. Several of these protesters were subsequently
pushed and struck by others in the crowd. A Kentucky federal district judge
ruled that the case against Trump could proceed because "Get 'em out of
here" could reasonably be interpreted as an exhortation to attack the
protesters.
The most astonishing part is the
court's conclusion that the statement is not protected by the speech clause of
the First Amendment because it is plausible to think Trump was inciting a riot.
Though the court cites the highly speech-protective test from Brandenburg v. Ohio, in which the Supreme Court held
that the freedom of speech does not permit the government "to forbid or
proscribe advocacy of the use of force or of law violation except where such
advocacy is directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is
likely to incite or produce such action," it mangles it. What part of
"Get 'em out of here" could plausibly be interpreted as advocating
illegal activity, rather than a call for the assistance of security officers?
Where is the explicit advocacy of illegality?
Brandenburg involved a KKK member advocating on film the
possibility of "revengeance" against African Americans and Jews,
along with other hateful speech. In an earlier case, Terminiello v. City of Chicago, a rabble-rousing
priest whipped up an angry throng to confront an enraged mob, shouting:
"There will be violence. . . We will not be tolerant of that mob out
there. . . We are going to stand up and dare them to smear us. . . We don't
want them here; we want them to go back to where they came from." In both
cases, the Supreme Court held that these words were constitutionally protected
free speech. Neither what Trump said nor the context of his speech is even in
the same universe.
And yet this district court found a
way to rule that the president of the United States might be deposed on the
question of incitement to criminal violence because Trump had on some other
occasions "condoned violence," and because had Trump actually wanted
the assistance of security officers to remove the protesters, "Trump would
have instructed the intervening audience members to stop what they were doing."
It is not possible to explain this
jaw-dropping ruling—one that flies in the face of binding Supreme Court
precedent—without reference to extra-legal factors: the desire to embarrass the
president, for example, or to create mischief for him, or to signal opposition to
him. That Trump had previously "condoned violence" is irrelevant to
whether he incited a riot at this rally. It is highly relevant, however, if
one's purpose is grandstanding to injure a political opponent.
An even more appalling specimen of
fake law has been generated by Trump's executive order restricting entry into
the country by nationals of six foreign countries for 90 days and suspending
refugee admission for 120 days. In one court order, a Hawaii federal district
judge rejected the government's claim that the six nations posed special
security threats (on this, the Trump and Obama administrations are aligned) and
concluded that the order violated the establishment clause. Relying principally
on obscure dicta from Justice David Souter's opinion for the Supreme Court
in McCreary County v. ACLU (2005), the court held that
the "unique," "remarkable" "historical context"
of the order, "full of religious animus, invective, and obvious
pretext," tainted it with anti-Muslim bias and therefore evidenced a purpose
to make a law respecting an establishment of religion.
http://www.weeklystandard.com/fake-law/article/2007934
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