Chief Justice Roberts and the
Fascist Economy by Gary North July 2, 2012
On July 2,
1776, Congress voted for the Declaration of Independence. Most of the members
signed it on July 4, although more signed over the next month.
The problem was
this: a declaration of independence from King George III (and from Parliament,
which was really the source of bureaucratic meddling and taxation of a
staggering 1% of GDP), was that it led within six years to massive debt,
hyperinflation, and increased taxation. After 1788, it led to more of the same.
It has finally led to Nanci Pelosi's ideological agent on the bench, John
Roberts.
In upholding
Obamacare, which is in fact Pelosicare, Chief Justice Roberts wrote the
majority opinion. He indulged in some lawyer-like deception, as lawyers are
paid to do. The law specifically says that the mandatory payment for not buying
insurance is a penalty, not a tax. He determined that
this penalty would be unconstitutional if it were a penalty (commerce clause),
so, lo and behold, it's a tax!
This is all
nonsense, of course. The government has regulated lots of things under the commerce
clause, telling people what they must do, can do, and cannot do. If the Supreme
Court gives any regulation a thumbs-up, the regulation continues. No single
case is going to reverse the federal bureaucracy from pursuing its agenda under
the commerce clause.
One man's
opinion on what the commerce clause means is merely his opinion. This opinion
does not bind the federal bureaucracy or any future Court decision. It just
gave Roberts a way to justify his theory of the legality of unlimited federal
taxation, now to be collected as fines for not buying health insurance.
He argued that
the government can now force residents and citizens of the United States to buy
health care insurance that they do not want, or else face a government-imposed
fine for not buying it. He called this a tax. The majority five accepted this.
To the extent
that his opinion has established a precedent, Roberts has at long last legalized open economic fascism to America.
Of course, it has been alive and well ever since the New Deal, and really since
the First Bank of the United States (1791 to 1811). But now it has been placed
under the judicial umbrella of a Supreme Court decision.
Economic
fascism is the doctrine that there is a government-business alliance that makes the nation wealthy or
strong militarily. This idea has never had a judicial basis before. Now it
does.
A tax in
America prior to last week was a payment by the citizen or legal entity to an
agency of civil government. Not so in the new, improved American fascism, as
articulated by Chief Justice Roberts. In fascism, a compulsory payment to a private, profit-seeking entity is
considered a tax. You can pay it to an insurance company, or you can pay
a fine to the federal government. Take your pick. They are both taxes.
CENTRAL BANKING
The first
fascist agency in post-Constitution history was the First Bank of the United
States. It went out of existence in 1811. The Second Bank of the United States
created a replacement: 1816 to 1836.
In the historic
case, McCulloch v. Maryland, Chief Justice John Marshall announced
that "the power to tax is the power to destroy." He got the phrase
from the attorneys who argued the case. It was not original with him.
Conservatives love to quote that phrase. Conservatives are blind. Marshall used
this doctrine to keep Maryland from levying a tax on a private entity: the
Second Bank of the United States. In striking down this state tax, Marshall
established the legality of economic fascism in America: the
government-business alliance.
Maryland correctly
argued that Congress did not have the right to delegate sovereignty to a
private agency. This was the judicial heart of the matter. But Daniel Webster,
who was the Bank's legal counsel, argued that Congress did have this right.
Marshall sided with Webster.
The argument of
Maryland is never discussed in the textbooks. This is one of those crucial
facts in history that has gone down Orwell's memory hole. Marshall's creation
of tax immunity for the Bank established the central legal principle of central
banking. This is the cornerstone of the Federal Reserve System. It is
sacrosanct. This is why any reference to Maryland's case against the Bank is
not discussed. The textbooks discuss Marshall's principle as if the Bank's
position as a private agency under the government's legal umbrella were somehow
constitutional. It is constitutional only because Marshall steadfastly refused
even to reply to the central argument of the state of Maryland.
Wikipedia
provides the textbook version of the significance of this case.
This fundamental case established
the following two principles:
The
Constitution grants to Congress implied powers for implementing the
Constitution's express powers, in order to create a functional national
government.
State action
may not impede valid constitutional exercises of power by the Federal
government.
Marshall's
verbal smokescreen worked. In fact, the decision established this principle
above all: A privately owned
central bank that is functionally independent of Congress possesses the legal
characteristic of federal sovereignty, and is therefore immune from regulation
by any lower jurisdiction.
This is never
discussed. This is why it is so difficult to find the text of the opposing
attorneys. Before the Internet, is was almost impossible. We never saw an
extract from Maryland's argument. We never saw even a summary: the issue of
delegated sovereignty to a private entity.
I have provided
extracts from Maryland's presentation here: http://www.garynorth.com/public/9723.cfm
That decision
handed over the nation to private central planners. The central bank has the
power over the central institution of the free market: money. Marshall gave
America economic fascism at the center of the economy: money. Jackson and
Congress removed it. He let the Second Bank's charter lapse in 1836. (Note: the
following year, 1837, was the only year in U.S. history in which the U.S.
government had no debt.)
Woodrow Wilson
reimposed the system, under which we live.
Marshall's
opinion stuck.
ROBERTS' OPINION
If Roberts'
opinion sticks, the national fascist state has its marching orders.
The central
government in Washington now has the power to compel Americans to pay private
companies for services they do not want, on penalty of a fine. But this fine is
now called a tax.
I have read a
conservative's whitewash of this monstrous decision. The writer says this was a
ruling of great cunning. It was, indeed. This is one
more example of terminally naive conservatives who dream that the American
fascist state can be reversed on a legal technicality. Not now. Not if Roberts'
argument sticks.
Roberts has
enunciated as a principle of law the
fundamental principle of the fascist economy: there is a legitimate
government-business alliance, established by law, which places government over
the private, profit-seeking business, and the business in return is granted
some of the immunities possessed by the state. It means that a business can
make you an offer you can't refuse. This principle is now the law of the land.
Americans must
now pay insurance companies their pound of flesh or else pay a fine to the
federal government. This fine is called a tax by Roberts.
Watch premiums
rise!
ECONOMIC FASCISM: INDIRECT AND DIRECT
In 1819, the
attorney for the state of Maryland argued against the chartering of a
profit-seeking central bank is the name of the power to tax or in the name of
the commerce clause. His words seem prophetic. He asked the right questions.
John Marshall rejected the obvious answer: "no." He said
"yes." He upheld the Second Bank of the United States. We would be
wise to understand the issues raised by the losers.
But we contend, that the government
of the United States must confine themselves, in the collection and expenditure
of revenue, to the means which are specifically enumerated in the constitution,
or such auxiliary means as are naturally connected with the specific means.
But what natural
connection is there between the collection of taxes, and the incorporation of a
company of bankers? Can it possibly be said, that because congress is invested
with the power of raising and supporting armies, that it may give a charter of
monopoly to a trading corporation, as a bounty for enlisting men? Or that,
under its more analogous power of regulating commerce, it may establish an East
or a West India company, with the exclusive privilege of trading with those
parts of the world? Can it establish a corporation of farmers of the revenue,
or burden the internal industry of the states with vexatious monopolies of
their staple productions?
Justice Roberts
also said "yes" -- not on the commerce clause, but on taxes. The
power to tax is the power to destroy. It is also the power to force Americans
to pay for insurance they do not want to fund high-risk participants in the
program.
In 1819,
American economic fascism was indirect and limited to central banking: a
prohibition against a state tax on a privately owned, federally chartered
agency. This indirectly subsidized a private corporation. Under Roberts'
economic fascism, Americans will be taxed by the government unless they do
business with privately owned agencies. This indirectly subsidizes private
insurance agencies.
CONCLUSION
Economically,
nothing has changed. It's the same
old system. What makes this new variant new is that it is judicially
protected under the taxation clause rather than the commerce clause.
It's like dog
turds or cat turds. Take your pick.
Sources: The Tea
Party Economist and Gary North
Comments:
We have two options now, nullification of Obamacare by
state legislatures or a Republican sweep in November or both. We are in a bloodless civil war that we
should be able to win.
Norb Leahy, Dunwoody
GA Tea Party Leader
1 comment:
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