Just in his first round of quantitative easing (money
printing), launched soon after Lehman Brothers collapsed in September 2008, Fed
Chairman Ben Bernanke increased the nation's monetary base (cash and reserves in
the banking system) from $850 billion to $2.1 trillion.
That was an insane increase of 2.5 times in just 18 months —
by far, the greatest monetary expansion in U.S. history.
To get a sense of its sheer enormity, consider these facts:
Fact #1. Before the Lehman Brothers collapse, it had taken
the Fed a total of 5,012 days — 13 years and 8 months — to double the monetary
base. In contrast, after the Lehman Brothers collapse, it took Bernanke's Fed
only 112 days to do so. In other words,
he accelerated the pace of bank reserve expansion by a factor of 45 to 1.
Fact #2. Even in the most extreme circumstances of recent
history, the Fed had never pumped in anything close to that much money in such
a short period of time. For example, before the turn of the millennium, the Fed
scrambled to provide liquidity to U.S. banks to ward off a feared Y2K
catastrophe, bumping up bank reserves from $557 billion on Oct. 6, 1999 to $630
billion by Jan. 12, 2000.
At the time, that sudden increase was considered
unprecedented —$73 billion in just three months. In contrast, Mr. Bernanke's money infusion in the 112 days after
the Lehman collapse was 14 times larger!
Similarly, in the days following the 9/11 terrorist attacks,
the Fed had rushed to flood the banks with liquid funds, adding $40 billion
through Sept. 19, 2001. But Mr.
Bernanke's post-Lehman flood of money was twenty- five times larger.
Fact #3. After the Y2K and
9/11 crises had passed, the Fed promptly reversed its money infusions
and sopped up the extra liquidity in the
banking system. But after the Lehman
Brothers collapse, Mr. Bernanke did precisely the opposite: After he
doubled the currency and reserves at the
nation's banks with his 112-day money-printing
frenzy immediately after the Lehman failure, he and his successor, Fed
Chairman Yellen, continued to throw even
more money into the pot.
Total to date: Over $4 trillion.
Fact #4. With no past historical precedent, no testing, and
no clue regarding the likely financial
fallout, Bernanke and Yellen invented and deployed more weapons of
mass monetary expansion than all prior
Fed chairmen combined.
The list of new Fed
programs boggles the imagination: Term Discount Window Program, Term
Auction Facility, Primary Dealer Credit
Facility, Transitional Credit Extensions, Term
Securities Lending Facility, ABCP Money Market Fund Liquidity
Facility, Commercial Paper Funding
Facility, Money Market Investing Funding Facility, Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility,
and Term Securities Lending Facility
Options Program.
None of these existed earlier. All were new experiments devised
in response to the debt crisis.
Trashing the Past
Back in 1792, with the passage of the Coinage Act, Treasury
Secretary Alexander Hamilton established the dollar as America's national
currency.
Then, in the 218 years that followed, the United States
overcame multiple obstacles, crises and disasters — one pandemic, two great
depressions, 11 major wars, and 44 recessions. Four U.S. presidents were
assassinated while in office. Hundreds of thousands of businesses went
bankrupt; tens of millions of Americans lost their jobs.
Did the U.S. government respond too many of these events
with countermeasures? Of course. In the wake of each disaster, there were, to
be sure, monetary and fiscal excesses. But never once had the U.S. government
resorted to such extreme abuses of its money-printing power as it did in
2008-10. Now, all that tradition of leadership and discipline was abandoned —
all for the sake of perpetuating America's addiction to spending, borrowing,
and speculative bubbles.
I was not the only one who shouted these warnings from the
rooftops. Others, more prominent than I, also raised their voices in protest.
Thomas Hoenig, chief of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas
City and one of the lone dissenters in the Fed's Open Market Committee, was
among the most prominent. He saw three possible pathways for our nation's
fiscal and monetary policy:
Path #1 — Monetize. The government runs massive deficits and
borrows without restraint. At the same time, the Federal Reserve monetizes the
debt, financing it by running the nation's printing presses. This is the path
of least resistance for politicians and of greatest danger to the nation. Yet, unfortunately,
as evidenced by the explosion in the monetary base illustrated above, it was
also the speedway down which the Fed was racing.
Path #2 — Policy stalemate. As in path No. 1,the government
runs massive deficits and borrows with
little restraint. But the Federal Reserve refuses to finance them.
Instead, the Fed lets the natural supply and demand for debt drive interest
rates higher. Soon, the government finds
it is too expensive — or nearly impossible — to borrow. And ultimately, Washington
has no choice but to slash spending despite any near-term consequences. Hard to
believe? Perhaps. But this is precisely what happened to many governments around the world in 2010 — not
only in Greece, Ireland and Spain, but
also in California, Arizona, New Jersey, Massachusetts, plus scores of
other state and local governments in the
United States.
Path #3 — Austerity and fiscal discipline. The government
takes strong pro-active steps to reduce the deficit. This is, of course,
extremely tough politically. But unless pursued promptly and aggressively, the
government winds up forced to do it anyhow — albeit with more urgency and
greater trauma for the country and its people.
These are three stark choices Hoenig set forth. Meanwhile
David Walker, former head of the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) and
president of the Peter G. Peterson Foundation, fears a Greece-like Armageddon
for the United States. One of his main arguments: The nation's fiscal disaster,
no matter how horrible it may be based on the official numbers, was actually
far worse than advertised. His own words:
"The Greeks engaged in a variety of creative accounting
practices, and there were a lot of big and bad surprises that caused this
situation to arise. The U.S. has [also] been engaged in a lot of creative
accounting for years with regard to the Social Security trust funds.
"And now, we've got major creative accounting going on
with government-sponsored entities Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. We own a
super-majority of them, but we're not consolidating them into the financial
statements. We don't consolidate the Federal Reserve into the financial
statements [either].
"The bottom line is: We're not Greece. But we could end
with the same problems down the road if we don't get spending under control and
start dealing with our structure deficits soon."
[J. Irving Weiss]
J. Irving Weiss, my father, who later founded our Sound
Dollar Committee, had probably the greatest impact of all on the public awareness of these dangers. The big difference:
That was over a half century ago.
In 1959, he launched a national, grassroots campaign that
prompted an estimated 11 million Americans to demand an end to federal
deficits. And he helped President Eisenhower pass the last truly balanced
budget — without creative accounting — in our nation's history. In the New York Times and Wall Street Journal
ads that launched our Sound Dollar Committee's campaign in 1959, Dad warned
about the future dangers:
"Inflation is a narcotic. It soothes and exhilarates
while doing its deadly work. Already it has reduced our dollar to half of its
purchasing power. It is the killer rampant in our midst, threatening to destroy us as it has other
countries whose rulers thought they
could have a little bit of controlled spending and inflation; a
little cheapening of their money. THEN
IT WAS TOO LATE. "Deficit spending [and inflation] are the twin poisons
which are undermining your future. Some people say we need deficit spending by
our governments for prosperity and growth. But they forget that the means can
destroy the end."
Back in those days, like today, inflation was not perceived
to be an imminent threat. But those who ignored it later lived to regret their
complacency. And like today, Dad was certainly not the only one raising his
voice in protest. Also widely quoted in the Sound Dollar Committee's campaign
were his associates, supporters, and other contemporaries, including:
[Bernard Baruch]Bernard Baruch, adviser to U.S. Presidents
Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt and several others, wrote:
"Inflation flows from the selfish struggle for social advantage among
pressure groups. Each seeks tax cuts or wage raises for itself while urging the
others to make the sacrifice and with little regard for the national
interest."
Yet, despite all these voices and despite all this history,
our government officials have continued to pursue their stimulus, bailouts,
guarantees and money printing. They said it was all for a good cause — to save
the world from another great depression. But it has obviously reached levels that are
beyond reason, and it still faces serious obstacles to success.
Obstacle 1 Government Debt is Too Big and Growing Too Fast
First and foremost, America's burden of government debt is
far too big. This year, at the end of the first quarter the U.S. Treasury owed
$13 trillion, other government agencies owed
$7.9 trillion, while municipal and state governments owed another
$3.7 trillion.
As of March 31, 2015, for every dollar of Treasury debt in
the United States, there was $3.5 of non-Treasury debt. And overall, including both public and
private debts, there were more than $59 trillion in interest-bearing debts in
the United States — mortgage loans, credit cards, corporate debt, municipal
debt, and federal debt.
The federal government had contingent liabilities of at
least $60 trillion in the form of commitments for Social Security, Medicare, veterans
benefits and more.
Plus, commercial banks held another $220.4 trillion in side
bets called "derivatives."
If you add up all the forms of debt, how big was the overall
debt monster? At least $339 trillion in the United.States alone!
The numbers are not directly
comparable, but just to give you a sense of the magnitude of the
problem, that's 484 times more money
than what was budgeted for the highly controversial $700 billion bailout package signed so
hurriedly into law by President Bush in
late 2008.
Still, most people believed that if Fed Chairman Yellen
could continue to just gingerly raise interest rates to exit the extreme easy
money trap ... if foreign central banks
could do the same ... and if all central banks
could just avoid the mistakes they made in the 1930s ... they could
avoid another crisis, continue to create
millions of new jobs and keep the U.S. economy growing.
Obstacle 2 Raising the Money
The second big obstacle governments ultimately face is huge
federal deficits and the task of raising the money to fund bailouts. Apparently, in the rush to spend, lend or
guarantee trillions of dollars, no one in government bothers to seriously
consider the simple question, "Who's going to pay the bill? Where are we
going to get all that money?" The government had only two choices: to
borrow the money or print the money. More big debts and more big dangers.
As long as foreign money — from China or from the
world's hardest hit trouble spots —
continues to pour in to help finance the deficit and boost the U.S. economy, even massive
deficits can be swept under the rug. But
ultimately, to raise the money, the government has little choice but to shove
aside consumers, businesses, and other borrowers; hog most of the
available credit for itself; and then,
adding insult to injury, bid up interest rates for everyone.
Some people hoped the government's resources, by some feat
of magic, might be unlimited. But the reality is that there is no free lunch;
someone has to raise the money and pay the bills. And as soon as the bills come
due, the consequences could strike swiftly — in the form of steeper mortgage
rates, higher credit card rates, or worse, virtually no credit at all.
Washington will try to encourage consumers and businesses to
borrow more, spend more, and save less, but they will be very reluctant to do so.
Washington will prod bankers to dish out more credit,
but the Fed's own surveys show that
banks all over the United States do precisely
the opposite, continuing to maintain tight lending standards.
The government will continue to provide cheap money to prod
investors to risk more of their money. But that merely creates another speculative
balloon.
In each case, government officials instinctively realize that
it's too much borrowing, too much spending, and too much risk-taking that ultimately
gets them into trouble. But they ignore their instincts and do everything to
encourage more of the same.
The Biggest Danger of All: The Government Rescues Themselves
By 2015, anyone not blinded by greed could plainly see the
sick cycle I told you about at the outset:
First, the government helps create a great asset bubble.
Next, the government-created bubble bursts under a dark
cloud of hardship for millions of Americans.
And last, the government responds by creating still another
asset bubble that's far more dangerous than the previous.
A one-time event? Hardly. In 15 short years, we'd already
seen three — the tech bubble and wreck of 1997-2002, the housing bubble and
bust of 2003-08, and the sovereign debt bubble of 2009-14.
So by this time, most savvy investors — and many average
citizens — already know the drill. What they don't yet know is the answer to
the biggest question of all: What's the end game?
Would the world's money printing presses run amuck, trashing
any remaining value in paper currencies? Would major governments someday
default on their debts, destroying the global credit system? Would our entire
civilization crumble?
My answer: Such threats are certainly real. But the final
outcome could be very different indeed. In fact, no matter how many tricks
governments may play and no matter how wild this 21st century rollercoaster
ride may get, there is also another possible outcome: austerity.
Austerity can come in many forms: Governments may impose austerity strictly in
reaction to market-driven forces. Or
they may do so proactively. Austerity may be imposed only after rampant inflation.
Or it may come before. It could trigger deep social upheaval. Or the social
reaction could be more limited and less disruptive.
But regardless of how austerity finally arrives, it cannot
happen without sacrifice and a reduced standard of living. That's the hard
reality experienced.
Greece, for example, finally bowed to unrelenting attacks
from global investors and slashed 30 billion euros from its budget in three
years.
Spain, also under massive pressure from investors, announced
spending cuts of 15 billion euros, plus a 5% reduction in public worker wages.
Portugal embarked on a program to cut 2 billion euros this
year alone.
Italy slashed 25 billion euros from its budget over two
years.
Germany, supposedly the most robust of all euro-zone
countries, had no choice but to follow a similar path — cutbacks of 85 billion
euros by 2014.
And the UK implemented the deepest cutbacks of all —
slashing its military and social welfare budgets at the same time.
For now most of that cutting is behind them. But in the
future, in the wake of a bond bust, they may have no choice but to cut even
more.
Will politicians in Athens, Madrid, Lisbon, Rome or Berlin
cut enough to restore fiscal balance? Very doubtful. But even if they don't cut
their spending by a penny — even if they simply fail to renew their stimulus
programs — the impact could be severe.
They won't admit it, of course — much as they wouldn't admit
that their earlier policies of spending lavishly were also a shock to the
economy. But if you think Washington is guilty of bias, misleading information and outright
cover-ups, wait till you see what Wall
Street has done, the subject of my next article in this series, coming
next Monday, July 13.
Source:Money and Markets: A Division of Weiss Research, Inc.
moneyandmarkets.com"
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