Last week’s
congressional committee votes to give President Obama “Fast Track” negotiating
power may go down in economic history as among the most self-destructive ever.
The leaders of the Republican Party betrayed their voters, may have
destroyed their own political careers, and may have even destroyed America’s
economic future.
In the 2010 and
2014 elections, American voters gave Republican leaders majorities in first the
House and then the Senate so that they could stop President Obama’s agenda.
But instead of stopping him, the Republican leadership decided to give
him more power. Republican leaders are determined to advance Obama’s
fast-track agenda despite deep opposition by their base. According to a
recent poll:
Two-thirds
(68%) of Republicans say they are less likely to vote for a Member of Congress
who votes to give President Obama fast-track authority. Among the conservative
Republicans who dominate many primary electorates, this figure is an
extraordinary 74%.
Some Tea Party
groups speak for these voters. At a recent Capitol
Hill Press Conference, Richard Manning of Americans for
Limited Government called on Congress to “not cede any additional
authority to a president who has spent the past six years shredding the
constitutional separation of powers.” Similarly, Niger Innis of
TheTeaParty.net said that Fast Track would be “a monumental failure of
congressional Republicans to understand the nature of the president’s
fundamental transformation of America.”
Misrepresenting Trade Statistics
Supporters of
fast track are selling it with the same lies that were used to sell previous
bad deals. In an April 22 commentary, Representative Paul Ryan and Senator Ted Cruz claimed that
Fast Track would produce jobs by reducing America’s huge trade deficits.
They are wrong, as the history of previous trade agreements shows.
They wrote:
The
American worker can compete with anybody, if given a fair chance. If you
add up all 20 countries that the U.S. has a trade agreement with, American
manufacturers run a $50 billion trade surplus with them. The problem is
that not all countries have a trade agreement with the U.S.: American
manufacturers run a $500 billion trade deficit with those nations.
Their
$50-billion surplus number is deeply deceptive. It involves
selecting some goods exports and imports while excluding others. A
complete measure of the balance of trade for all goods indicates that the U.S.
ran a deficit of 61.7 billion dollars in 2014 with our Free Trade
Agreement (FTA) partners.
Even worse, our
trade deficits with the FTA partners got worse after the free trade
agreements were negotiated. In the year prior to implementation of each
FTA, our average deficit with each FTA partner was less than $0.8 billion.
By 2014, our average deficit with each FTA partner was over $3
billion.
Case in point
is the “free trade” treaty that Presidents G.W. Bush and Obama negotiated with
currency-manipulating South Korea. This FTA grew the overall U.S. trade
deficit (goods plus services) with South Korea from $5.4 billion in 2011 to
$13.3 billion in 2014, costing the United States about 100,000 jobs according
to the calculations of University of Maryland economist Peter
Morici, former director of the Office of
Economics at the U.S. International Trade Commission.
Fortunately,
our trade agreement with South Korea lets only one country grow its economy at
our expense. The treaty that Obama is currently negotiating would involve
11 other countries (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico,
New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, Vietnam), three of which (Japan, Malaysia, and
Vietnam) are active currency-manipulators committed to blocking U.S. efforts to end currency manipulation. Additional
currency-manipulating countries are expected to join later.
The Committee Votes
The worst
aspect of April 22’s Fast Track votes in the Senate Finance Committee and the
House Ways and Means Committee were their implicit endorsements of currency
manipulation, which is the chief way that countries subsidize their exports and
place hidden tariffs on their imports. The words “free trade” should not
be applied to a document that encourages currency manipulation.
As we
documented in our book Balanced
Trade, by manipulating their currencies
to unbalance trade, trade surplus countries gain
- More factories.
- More research and development. (R&D often needs to be near factories.)
- More economic growth.
The trade
deficit countries experience the opposite effects:
- Reduced factories.
- Reduced R&D.
- Reduced economic growth.
There were five
Republican heroes in the Senate Finance Committee (Senators Grassley, Crapo,
Enzi, Burr, and Portman) who voted for an amendment that would have the new
treaty oppose currency manipulation. Six Democratic senators joined them
(Schumer, Stabenow, Menendez, Cardin, Brown, and Casey).
But their
amendment was defeated by nine Republicans
(Hatch, Roberts, Cornyn, Thune, Isakson, Toomey, Coats, Heller, and Scott) who
were joined by six Democrats (Wyden, Cantwell, Nelson, Carper, Bennet, and
Warner). And the results were even worse in the House Ways and Means
Committee, where, with Committee Chairman Paul Ryan calling the shots, not a
single Republican stood up against letting our treaty partners engage in
currency manipulation.
But even if
these anti-currency manipulation amendments had passed, they would not have
been sufficient, since governments can easily hide their currency manipulations
in seemingly innocent activities. For example, the Japanese government
has its government
pension investment fund sell massive
numbers of Japanese bonds, using the proceeds to buy foreign stocks and bonds.
Through such techniques, the Japanese government brought the exchange
rate of the yen down from 1.02 U.S. cents per yen in October 2013 to 0.85 cents
today.
Although
governments can hide their currency manipulations, they can’t hide their trade
surpluses. Trade agreements should provide mechanisms for balancing
trade, such as by letting trade deficit countries place trade-balancing
tariffs upon the products of countries with
which they have trade deficits.
Caveat Emptor
“Fast Track”
contributes to the decline of Congress. It empowers the president to
present Congress with a take-it-or-leave-it demand concerning massive and
complex treaties negotiated in secret.
The final trade
agreements might contain things that Republicans in Congress like, including
patent and copyright protection for American intellectual property and a
reduction in tariffs on American agricultural products. However,
President Obama may also be negotiating things that Republicans normally
oppose, including:
- Creating a private court system that gives foreigners the right to sue the U.S. government if any law or regulation violates the treaty. There is no doubt that this is in the current draft of the treaty.
- Mandating an end to congressional limits on legal immigration from Mexico and other treaty countries. There is dispute about whether this is in the current draft of the treaty.
Members of
Congress might be well-advised to avoid voting for “Fast Track” to see what’s
in it. Voting down Fast Track would prevent the president from ignoring
the wishes of the American people.
A better
strategy would be to force Obama to negotiate the treaty and then bring it to
Congress. If Congress retains its power to amend the final agreement, it
will be strengthening the administration’s ability to extract favorable
concessions. The administration can say, “I would like to negotiate what
you want, but Congress would likely amend that provision out of the treaty.”
If Congress
retains its full constitutional authority, then any deal negotiated is much
more likely to be good for the American people.
The Worst Thing about Fast Track
The worst
aspect of Fast Track is not that it would permit the currency manipulations
that tilt the playing field against American workers. It would set up a
private court system that could render billions of dollars of judgment against
the United States government should a future president decide to balance its
trade with the currency-manipulating countries through tariffs.
In contrast,
WTO rules include a provision that lets trade deficit countries impose
trade-balancing tariffs. President Nixon took advantage of that provision
when he imposed an across-the-board 10% tariff in August 1971, which quickly
forced changes that brought U.S. trade into balance by 1973. The United
States could take advantage of this WTO provision today. Doing so would
give the U.S. more factories, more R&D, and more economic growth.
But the new
private court system changes everything. It ensures that no future
president can ever solve America’s trade deficits.
The Best Thing about Fast Track
The Republican
Party has about 16 candidates who have indicated that they may run for
President in 2016. Fast Track could be one of the best ways to determine
which ones possess economic understanding. So far Jeb
Bush, Marco
Rubio, and Ted
Cruz have come out in favor of fast-tracking
America’s economic destruction, while Mike
Huckabee, Lindsey
Graham, and Donald
Trump have indicated that they are
opposed.
We need to
elect candidates who will fight for our children’s economic future, instead of
candidates eager to empower President Obama to destroy it.
The Richmans co-authored the 2014 book Balanced Trade: Ending the
Unbearable Costs of America’s Trade Deficits, published by Lexington Books,
and the 2008 book Trading Away Our Future, published by Ideal Taxes
Association.
Last week’s
congressional committee votes to give President Obama “Fast Track” negotiating
power may go down in economic history as among the most self-destructive ever.
The leaders of the Republican Party betrayed their voters, may have
destroyed their own political careers, and may have even destroyed America’s
economic future.
In the 2010 and
2014 elections, American voters gave Republican leaders majorities in first the
House and then the Senate so that they could stop President Obama’s agenda.
But instead of stopping him, the Republican leadership decided to give
him more power. Republican leaders are determined to advance Obama’s
fast-track agenda despite deep opposition by their base. According to a
recent poll:
Two-thirds
(68%) of Republicans say they are less likely to vote for a Member of Congress
who votes to give President Obama fast-track authority. Among the conservative
Republicans who dominate many primary electorates, this figure is an
extraordinary 74%.
Some Tea Party
groups speak for these voters. At a recent Capitol
Hill Press Conference, Richard Manning of Americans for
Limited Government called on Congress to “not cede any additional
authority to a president who has spent the past six years shredding the
constitutional separation of powers.” Similarly, Niger Innis of
TheTeaParty.net said that Fast Track would be “a monumental failure of
congressional Republicans to understand the nature of the president’s
fundamental transformation of America.”
Misrepresenting Trade Statistics
Supporters of
fast track are selling it with the same lies that were used to sell previous
bad deals. In an April 22 commentary, Representative Paul Ryan and Senator Ted Cruz claimed that
Fast Track would produce jobs by reducing America’s huge trade deficits.
They are wrong, as the history of previous trade agreements shows.
They wrote:
The
American worker can compete with anybody, if given a fair chance. If you
add up all 20 countries that the U.S. has a trade agreement with, American
manufacturers run a $50 billion trade surplus with them. The problem is
that not all countries have a trade agreement with the U.S.: American
manufacturers run a $500 billion trade deficit with those nations.
Their
$50-billion surplus number is deeply deceptive. It involves
selecting some goods exports and imports while excluding others. A
complete measure of the balance of trade for all goods indicates that the U.S.
ran a deficit of 61.7 billion dollars in 2014 with our Free Trade
Agreement (FTA) partners.
Even worse, our
trade deficits with the FTA partners got worse after the free trade
agreements were negotiated. In the year prior to implementation of each
FTA, our average deficit with each FTA partner was less than $0.8 billion.
By 2014, our average deficit with each FTA partner was over $3
billion.
Case in point
is the “free trade” treaty that Presidents G.W. Bush and Obama negotiated with
currency-manipulating South Korea. This FTA grew the overall U.S. trade
deficit (goods plus services) with South Korea from $5.4 billion in 2011 to
$13.3 billion in 2014, costing the United States about 100,000 jobs according
to the calculations of University of Maryland economist Peter
Morici, former director of the Office of
Economics at the U.S. International Trade Commission.
Fortunately,
our trade agreement with South Korea lets only one country grow its economy at
our expense. The treaty that Obama is currently negotiating would involve
11 other countries (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico,
New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, Vietnam), three of which (Japan, Malaysia, and
Vietnam) are active currency-manipulators committed to blocking U.S. efforts to end currency manipulation. Additional
currency-manipulating countries are expected to join later.
The Committee Votes
The worst
aspect of April 22’s Fast Track votes in the Senate Finance Committee and the
House Ways and Means Committee were their implicit endorsements of currency
manipulation, which is the chief way that countries subsidize their exports and
place hidden tariffs on their imports. The words “free trade” should not
be applied to a document that encourages currency manipulation.
As we
documented in our book Balanced
Trade, by manipulating their currencies
to unbalance trade, trade surplus countries gain
- More factories.
- More research and development. (R&D often needs to be near factories.)
- More economic growth.
The trade
deficit countries experience the opposite effects:
- Reduced factories.
- Reduced R&D.
- Reduced economic growth.
There were five
Republican heroes in the Senate Finance Committee (Senators Grassley, Crapo,
Enzi, Burr, and Portman) who voted for an amendment that would have the new
treaty oppose currency manipulation. Six Democratic senators joined them
(Schumer, Stabenow, Menendez, Cardin, Brown, and Casey).
But their
amendment was defeated by nine Republicans
(Hatch, Roberts, Cornyn, Thune, Isakson, Toomey, Coats, Heller, and Scott) who
were joined by six Democrats (Wyden, Cantwell, Nelson, Carper, Bennet, and
Warner). And the results were even worse in the House Ways and Means
Committee, where, with Committee Chairman Paul Ryan calling the shots, not a
single Republican stood up against letting our treaty partners engage in
currency manipulation.
But even if
these anti-currency manipulation amendments had passed, they would not have
been sufficient, since governments can easily hide their currency manipulations
in seemingly innocent activities. For example, the Japanese government
has its government
pension investment fund sell massive
numbers of Japanese bonds, using the proceeds to buy foreign stocks and bonds.
Through such techniques, the Japanese government brought the exchange rate
of the yen down from 1.02 U.S. cents per yen in October 2013 to 0.85 cents
today.
Although
governments can hide their currency manipulations, they can’t hide their trade
surpluses. Trade agreements should provide mechanisms for balancing
trade, such as by letting trade deficit countries place trade-balancing
tariffs upon the products of countries with
which they have trade deficits.
Caveat Emptor
“Fast Track”
contributes to the decline of Congress. It empowers the president to
present Congress with a take-it-or-leave-it demand concerning massive and
complex treaties negotiated in secret.
The final trade
agreements might contain things that Republicans in Congress like, including
patent and copyright protection for American intellectual property and a
reduction in tariffs on American agricultural products. However,
President Obama may also be negotiating things that Republicans normally
oppose, including:
- Creating a private court system that gives foreigners the right to sue the U.S. government if any law or regulation violates the treaty. There is no doubt that this is in the current draft of the treaty.
- Mandating an end to congressional limits on legal immigration from Mexico and other treaty countries. There is dispute about whether this is in the current draft of the treaty.
Members of
Congress might be well-advised to avoid voting for “Fast Track” to see what’s
in it. Voting down Fast Track would prevent the president from ignoring
the wishes of the American people.
A better
strategy would be to force Obama to negotiate the treaty and then bring it to
Congress. If Congress retains its power to amend the final agreement, it
will be strengthening the administration’s ability to extract favorable
concessions. The administration can say, “I would like to negotiate what
you want, but Congress would likely amend that provision out of the treaty.”
If Congress
retains its full constitutional authority, then any deal negotiated is much
more likely to be good for the American people.
The Worst Thing about Fast Track
The worst
aspect of Fast Track is not that it would permit the currency manipulations
that tilt the playing field against American workers. It would set up a
private court system that could render billions of dollars of judgment against
the United States government should a future president decide to balance its
trade with the currency-manipulating countries through tariffs.
In contrast,
WTO rules include a provision that lets trade deficit countries impose
trade-balancing tariffs. President Nixon took advantage of that provision
when he imposed an across-the-board 10% tariff in August 1971, which quickly
forced changes that brought U.S. trade into balance by 1973. The United
States could take advantage of this WTO provision today. Doing so would
give the U.S. more factories, more R&D, and more economic growth.
But the new
private court system changes everything. It ensures that no future
president can ever solve America’s trade deficits.
The Best Thing about Fast Track
The Republican
Party has about 16 candidates who have indicated that they may run for
President in 2016. Fast Track could be one of the best ways to determine
which ones possess economic understanding. So far Jeb
Bush, Marco
Rubio, and Ted
Cruz have come out in favor of fast-tracking
America’s economic destruction, while Mike
Huckabee, Lindsey
Graham, and Donald
Trump have indicated that they are
opposed.
We need to
elect candidates who will fight for our children’s economic future, instead of
candidates eager to empower President Obama to destroy it.
The Richmans co-authored the 2014 book Balanced Trade: Ending the
Unbearable Costs of America’s Trade Deficits, published by Lexington Books,
and the 2008 book Trading Away Our Future, published by Ideal Taxes
Association.
http://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2015/05/fasttracking_americas_economic_destruction.html#ixzz3ZET7wESR
No comments:
Post a Comment