$8.7
trillion of economic growth lost to trade deficits since 2000 By Robert Romano, 4/12/16
“We do not get to add 16 years of
deficits and then add that to one year of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which
is what is being done there. If we close the trade deficit then ceteris
paribus … we might be able to add one year’s trade deficit back into GDP.
That $500 billion, making current year GDP $18.7 trillion, not the $27 trillion
stated.”
That
was Forbes.com contributor Tim Worstall disputing
a piece by this author, “China
and the world’s trade war against the U.S. — and why we’re losing,” where I wrote that if “$8.7 trillion [of trade
deficits since 2000] had never been shifted overseas, the Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) would be nearly $27 trillion today.”
Let’s assume for a moment that
Worstall is correct, and that the only thing that would have happened if the
trade deficit had been balanced in 2000, all other things being equal, was
you’d be looking at a stimulus of only $500 billion above today’s current dollar
$18.2 trillion GDP, and not $8.7 trillion, the actual number for trade deficits
since 2000.
To have balanced that deficit would
have been no easy task. It would have required dramatically increasing domestic
production of crude oil, manufacturing more products here in the U.S. by
investing in the factories of the future and foreign countries suddenly
stopping the devaluation of their currencies with the aim of boosting their own
exports. This in turn would have helped boost U.S. exports and reduced U.S.
demand for certain imports. In short, hell would have had to freeze over.
But let’s say charitably we had
gotten all those things by 2000, when the GDP was $10.3 trillion. Could it have
achieved a $27 trillion GDP? To get there would have required robust growth of
a little more than 6 percent nominally a year. So I say, yes, it was very much
doable.
Without reservation.
Primarily, because
from 1945 to 2000, the U.S. actually averaged 7.18 percent nominal growth a
year with just an
average annual trade deficit of about $50 billion, according to data compiled by the Bureau of Economic
Analysis and the U.S. Census Bureau. Comparatively, after 2000 — the same year
Congress granted permanent normal trade relations with China — our
average annual nominal growth rate has only been 3.8 percent with average trade deficits of more than $500 billion.
To say we could not have
accomplished 6 percent nominal growth annually with no trade deficit when we
killed that number throughout the entire postwar dataset fails to
recognize the
compounding nature of economic growth. To
say nothing of any additional inflation that might have occurred, which would
have technically also added to nominal economic growth as well.
All we needed was an extra 2.2
percent of nominal growth each year. Guess what the trade deficit was in 2000?
$372 billion, constituting 3.6 percent of the then $10.3 trillion economy.
Don’t think balancing that deficit would have had a compound growth effect on
the economy? Think again.
If anything, a $27 trillion economy
might have been conservative estimate, since, given the above premises — energy
independence, factories of the future to offset lower labor costs overseas and
no currency manipulation — it is conceivable the U.S. economy would have become
a net exporter almost overnight, with trillions of dollars of trade surpluses
over those same 16 years instead of the $8.7 trillion of deficits we
experienced.
The point was to consider what if
the same growth we helped create overseas in emerging markets by running the
$8.7 trillion of trade deficits since 2000 had occurred here instead. If it
had, the economy would be much larger and it would have created millions of
jobs. And whatever did not flow to job creation might have been put into new
companies or infrastructure or health and retirement systems or upgrading our
missile defense or expanding into space economization or all of the above.
Having the $8.7 trillion of trade
deficits “all invested back into the U.S. economy,” in Worstall’s words, into
U.S.government treasuries, mortgage-backed securities, corporate debt or
equities, which are then owned by foreign governments and investors is not the
same as the alternative. Which is, profits in companies earned by Americans
offering jobs to Americans, rising incomes and additional demand for labor.
Having the rest of the world buy
U.S. dollar-denominated assets may help boost asset prices and debt here — that
is to say, they create asset bubbles — but they do not add to growth per se. If
that’s the best we can offer, is it any wonder more and more Americans are
calling our trade policies into question? In the meantime, the $8.7 trillion of
trade deficits unquestionably boosted production overseas, increasing foreign
economic growth. Somehow they gained trillions of dollars of GDP but we didn’t
lose any. Yeah right.
To be fair, Worstall acknowledged
that balancing the trade deficit might have increased investment in the U.S.
after all: “Well, yes, OK, we can see that point. If we’d not been spending all
our cash on Chinese [trinkets] then maybe the money would have been invested in
interesting companies, by government into infrastructure and so on. It’s
certainly possible that this would have happened.” Certainly possible, indeed.
It’s the whole reason I wrote the piece.
Particularly, it would have been
possible to increase investment here, I would add, if we had been running
surpluses instead of deficits, which itself is not beyond the realm of
possibility considering the stimulative effect of increasing production here.
Instead the U.S. is acting like a majority shareholder of a company that no
longer generates any revenue on a net basis and in the meantime offsets the
losses by borrowing money and selling more shares, all the while pretending he
or she is coming out ahead.
We can get away with it — for now —
because we can rely on the Federal Reserve’s printing press and the dollar’s
reserve currency status. But how long do we suppose that will last? All we’re
doing is making the dollar overvalued as a medium of exchange, shipping
production overseas and hollowing out our economy, in the process losing
potential growth to the tune of trillions of dollars.
At some point, the world will view
the U.S. as adding little to no value, and when that happens, watch out.
In the meantime, to suggest that the
U.S. economy could not have grown at a nominal 6 percent or better after 2000
with no trade deficit to get to a $27 trillion GDP — when we nominally grew
above 7 percent from 1945 to 2000 with far smaller trade deficits and only at
3.8 percent from 2001-2015 with $8.7 trillion of trade deficits — is
preposterous.
Robert Romano is the senior editor
of Americans for Limited Government.
http://netrightdaily.com/2016/04/8-7-trillion-economic-growth-lost-trade-deficits-since-2000/
Comments
The first
act of sabotage was in 1989 when Bush I and the Congress refused to secure the border
and the visa system to ensure high unemployment. They also ignored calls for
drilling more oil and natural gas for decades to ensure low US exports.
The
second act of sabotage was in 1992 when Bush I signed on to UN Agenda 21 and in
1993 when Clinton passed NAFTA to export manufacturing and Clinton passed the
Community Reinvestment Act and HUD non-discrimination rules to ensure the
mortgage meltdown in 2008.
The third
act of sabotage was Bush II doubling of the National Debt from 2000 to 2008 and
Congress’ lack of oversight to prevent the Meltdown of 2008.
The
fourth act of sabotage was the election of Obama and QE to double the cost of
government to turn it against US citizens and rack up a $20 trillion National
Debt.
We need
to deport 30 million immigrants who are illegal, criminal or unwilling to
abandon Sharia law. We need to quit the
UN and end tax subsidies, grants and foreign aid. We need to eliminate all unconstitutional
federal departments, agencies and programs and give them to the States and the
People. We need to pay off the National
Debt to the tune of $1 trillion a year to pay it off in 20 years. We need to
repeal all job-killing laws and regulations.
Norb
Leahy, Dunwoody GA Tea Party Leader
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