Like the
opinion in King v. Burwell, in which the Court effectively rewrote
the plain language of the so-called Affordable Care Act, in Texas
Housing the 5-4 majority decided that Congress had allowed claims of
housing discrimination to be brought based on population statistics, when in
fact it has never done so.
Now, plaintiffs
do not need to show there was actual racial discrimination, or an
intent to discriminate. Instead, they can just point to the racial makeup of a
neighborhood and infer that discrimination must have happened in order to bring
a lawsuit and force communities to re-engineer themselves.
The Court
comforts itself by claiming that racial quotas still cannot be used
to integrate communities. In fact, it has weaponized racial quotas in
the hands of the federal government.
It is perhaps
just a coincidence that the Texas Housing decision comes as the
Department of Housing and Urban Development has announced a policy designed to
pressure wealthy communities to build “affordable” housing in their midst.
The goal
in Texas Housing, however, is not just to diversify neighborhoods,
but to uncover what Justice Anthony Kennedy, writing for the majority, calls
“unconscious prejudice.”
The dissent,
written by Justice Samuel Alito, points out the absurdity of using “disparate
impact” as a measure of racial discrimination. By the same logic, he writes,
minimum wage laws must be racist, because they can be shown to have a
disproportionately negative effect on young black males, who are priced out of
the labor market. Alito also notes that neither the 1968 Fair Housing Act, nor
its 1988 amendments, allowed “disparate impact” to be evidence of racial
discrimination.
Yet that is how
the Court has interpreted the statutes, on the argument that disparate impacts
might be evidence of racial discrimination.
That may
be reasonable in cases where money is not a main factor–like college
admissions, for instance, where the fact that Ivy League
universities admit Asian-American students at a lower rate
than other schools makes for a possible case of discrimination. It is not reasonable, however,
to use such statistics when the underlying factor is money–when there
are some neighborhoods that are simply more expensive than others.
The courts
cannot be expected to rearrange the socioeconomic structure of society–except,
perhaps in the fevered imagination of a young radical named Barack Obama, circa 2001.
How bad is this
decision? The federal government expected to lose–so much so, in fact,
that it spent years settling cases on “disparate impact” before they could
reach the Supreme Court, lest that tool of intimidation be taken away.
The Court has
now affirmed one of the federal government’s most abusive tactics: the threat
of racial discrimination lawsuits. And the biggest losers, Alito points out,
are the poor, because now local efforts to improve poor neighborhoods can be
blocked by lawsuits alleging racial discrimination when the rent
is raised.
In the
Obamacare case, the Court pretended to know what was really in the minds of
legislators in spite of their explicit words (and evidence of their actual intent). In Texas Housing,
the Court has ruled that the federal government can decide what
is really in the minds of ordinary people, whether they intend to
discriminate or not.
You may not
know you are a racist–but you are, now.
Big Government, Racism, Obamacare, Anthony Kennedy, SCOTUS, racial discrimination, Samuel Alito, texas housing, inclusive communities, housing case, disparate impace
Comments
HUD quotas turn property values on their
head. For over 70 years, families have
moved to the suburbs for good schools, a yard for the kids to play in and a
quiet, safe crime-free neighborhood.
Now HUD wants to sprinkle the Section 8
Housing “projects” to the middle of white suburbia and has proven that it will
file suit against cities and counties who resist. The 3 year battle in Westchester NY is the
poster child of this nonsense. It has
cost this county millions to defend and comply with this useless agency.
It was enough to ban housing from racial
discrimination, but Blacks and other minorities continued to glom together to
flex their political muscle. Those few blacks and minorities who have joined
the white suburbs have assimilated beautifully.
Where the “projects” land in Westchester will
negatively impact their private schools and result in lower future property
values. It ignites “white flight” because of schools and property values. This
will hurt public schools if poor students are allowed to drag down student
achievement and good students will homeschool or go to private school. It’s
bussing on steroids. Most suburban homeowners will lobby to reduce the number
of apartment units allowed in their cities and areas of their counties, because
on 20 years. These apartments can morph into Section 8 housing.
It will do the same in Texas. It’s time to
close HUD or watch voters leave the Democrat Party by the tens of thousands in
2016. This is war.
Norb Leahy, Dunwoody GA Tea Party Leader
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