The
“greater good” in the 1980s was that everyone in the US should be treated by
hospitals regardless of their ability to pay for treatment. Prior to that bit of sabotage, the uninsured
could pay off the hospitals with $50 per month payments that lasted for years.
How Much Do Hospitals Cost Shift? A Review of the
Evidence, by Austin B Frakt Milbank Q. 2011 Mar; 89
The definition, existence, and extent of
hospital “cost shifting” are points of debate among participants and
stakeholders in discussions of health care policy and reform. The academic
literature defines the term precisely and characterizes the range of its
effect. Even though that literature has grown considerably in recent years, not
since the mid-1990s has it been systematically reviewed and summarized (Morrisey 1993, 1994, 1996; see also Coulam and
Gaumer 1991). In this article, I update those older reviews, summarize the
relevant features of and changes to health care policy, and place the results
in today's policy context.
That hospitals charge different payers
(health plans and government programs) different amounts for the same
service even at the same time is a phenomenon well known to
economists as price
discrimination (Reinhardt 2006). That hospitals charge one payer
more because it received less (relative to
costs or trend) from another also is widely believed. This is a dynamic, causal
process that I call cost
shifting,
following Morrisey (1993, 1994, 1996) and Ginsburg (2003), among others. Price discrimination and
cost shifting are related but different notions. The first depends on
differences in market power, the ability to profitably charge one payer more
than another but with no causal connection between the two prices charged. The
second has a direct connection between prices charged. In cost shifting, if one
payer (Medicare, say) pays less relative to costs, another (a private insurer,
say) will necessarily pay more. Whereas cost shifting implies price
discrimination, price discrimination does not imply that cost shifting has
occurred or, if it has, at what rate (i.e., how much one payer's price changed
relative to that of another).
That hospitals shift their costs among
payers is intuitively appealing. Public payments—from Medicare or Medicaid—go
down (again, relative to cost or trend, qualifiers that I will omit from now
on), and as a consequence, private payments go up, taking health insurance
premiums along with them. Karen Ignagni, the president and CEO of America's
Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), described cost shifting as follows: “If you
clamp down on one side of a balloon, the other side just gets bigger” (Sasseen and Arnst 2009,
According to Dobson, DaVanzo, and Sen,
it is a simple hydraulic effect: “As some pay less, others must pay more”
(2006, 23).
Is this intuition correct? Are costs
immutable and simply shifted from one payer (that pays less) to another (that
necessarily pays more)? If providers shift costs, by how much do they do so?
When casually expressed or generously interpreted, the idea of cost shifting
conjures up a dollar-for-dollar trade-off; that is, one dollar less paid by
Medicare or Medicaid results in one dollar more charged to private payers. At
least one recent health insurance industry–funded report (PWC 2009) assumed this level of cost shifting.
Some health care policy stakeholders
have an interest in convincing policymakers that cost shifting is both
inevitable and large. Continuing the cost-shifting assumption (and ignoring a
countervailing assumption of profit maximization, to which I will return
later), if public payments are relatively less generous, then hospitals will
raise private prices more than they would otherwise. In turn, insurers’
premiums for policies and self-insured firms’ health care costs would rise more
quickly, making the private purchase and sponsorship of health care coverage
relatively more difficult for consumers and firms, respectively. Thus,
convincing policymakers to be concerned about cost shifting also is in the
interest of the privately insured, employers, and the insurance and hospital
industries, all of whom benefit from (or, at least, are not harmed by) higher
public payments. Individuals and firms would rather not spend more for care,
which cost shifting implies; insurance companies do not want to charge higher
premiums; and hospitals would prefer higher public payments for their services.
(To read the tortured sections of this
article, see website below:
Comments
I support the Trump Agenda and expect to
see the free market replace the welfare state. The answer is to allow the
healthcare industry to crawl back from the abyss.
Norb Leahy, Dunwoody GA Tea Party Leader
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